SAA paper 2009




Columbia University

This paper grows out of my current editorial work on the early writings of Francis Bacon, from c. 1584 to 1596. It concerns a discourse written by Bacon in 1589, An aduertisemente touching the Controuersies of the churche of England, [i] which addressed the debate of the emergence of Martin Marprelate, and the counter-attack “he” triggered.[ii] This tract circulated in manuscript at the time of the controversy: it was not printed until 1640, and then anonymously, as A wise and moderate discourse concerning church-affaires;[iii] it was not claimed in print as Bacon’s until 1657.[iv] I suggest that a consideration of the Marprelate controversy through the prism of An aduertisemente can open up our discussion, and point to some elements of the Marprelate affair that are marginalized in the existing discussions. This tract has generally been viewed as a moderate and moderating intervention into a polarised debate: Bacon is praised for his even-handed condemnation not only of the Marprelate pamphlets but also the response from the established Church and its allies.. I shall argue that Bacon’s discourse is in fact more complex, and needs to be viewed as a pointed—and pointedly manuscript–intervention into a highly topical, multi-faceted debate.

* * *

The immediate target of the 9000-word Aduertisemente, Bacon’s most substantial tract to date, is the “imodest and deformed manner of writing lately intertayned whereby matter of Relligion is handled in the stile of the stage” (6r). Although Bacon refuses to name names, his reference to the “first Pamphlett of this kind” being responded to by a bishop (6v), makes it clear that he is speaking of the “Martin Marprelate” pamphlets and the counter-attack by the established Church, whether officially sanctioned or not. Bacon states that he is at pains not to enter into the fray: instead, he denounces both the Marprelate attacks and the Church’s response. Bacon’s contribution has often been ignored by Marprelate scholars (e.g. Pierce, Arber, Clegg) but when it is considered, it has been praised as a non-partisan intervention, either taking the via media between the established church and its puritan critics, or standing aloof from an unsavory exchange. Ronald McKerrow saw it as “a careful and temperate balancing of the opposing views;”[v] in Joseph Black’s estimation, An aduertisemente is “the most sophisticated analysis of the controversy.”[vi] Among Bacon scholars, Julian Martin notes “both [Bacon’s] stout commitment to moderate, as opposed to Presbyterian or more radical, religious reform and also his support for the Church hierarchy and government.”[vii] I propose that these evaluations miss the nature of Bacon’s intervention.

To appreciate the nature of Bacon’s intervention, we first need to date the composition and initial dissemination of An aduertisement. Dating of the discourse has tended to favour the latter months of 1589, but estimates go as late as 1593. Among Bacon scholars, James Spedding suggests ‘the Summer of 1589’;[viii] Julian Martin suggests ‘during the latter part of the year [1589]’;[ix] Brian Vickers, on the basis that the first allusion to An aduertisement dates from 1591 (to which I’ll return), asserts that ‘until more information emerges we can only date it approximately, to the period 1589-91’;[x] recently, Joseph Black has offered ‘c. 1589-90’.[xi] It is my contention, however, that An aduertisement may date to as early as April 1589, and as such importantly constitutes one of the earliest interventions into the debate.

To recap on events: in October 1588 Robert Waldegrave published The epistle to the terrible priests of the convocaton house with its fictitious imprint: ‘printed oversea, in Europe, within two furlongs of a Bouncing Priest, at the cost and charges of M. Marprelate, gentleman’. The Epistle, addressed to leading churchman, opened by attacking John Bridges, dean of Salisbury, who had in 1587 published a Defence of the government established in the church of Englande.[xii] The Epistle set the tone for a series of pamphlets, their authorship still uncertain, which became known as the Martin Marprelate tracts; it was followed first at the end of November 1588 by The epitome, dealing in a more sustained way with Bridges’ Defence.[xiii] In January 1589, the first official response to the Marprelate tracts came in An admonition to the people of England which set out to answer “the slaunderous vntruethes, reproachfully vttered by Martin the Libeller” and the “many other crimes by some of his broode, obiected generally against all bishops.”[xiv] It was signed “T.C.,” a familiar set of initials that prompted some to identify the author as the Puritan Thomas Cartwright,[xv] but the Marprelate writers soon realised ‘T.C.’ was Thomas Cooper, bishop of Winchester. This response prompted two further retorts from Martin, first a broadsheet (which could be printed quickly), Certain mineral and metaphysical schoolpoints, probably in late January or early February;[xvi] and then, in March, the more substantial. Hay any worke for Cooper,[xvii] whose title proclaimed Martin’s target of choice as the bishop of Winchester.

Beyond the immediate print controversy, pressure on Marprelate increased in February 1589. On the 4th, Sir Christopher Hatton used his opening address to parliament to attack not only the usual targets (the pope, the king of Spain, English Catholics), but also Marprelate.[xviii] On the 9th, Richard Bancroft, a canon of Westminster and (not coincidentally) Hatton’s chaplain, delivered a sermon at Paul’s Cross, taking as his text 1 John 4:1 (‘Deerly beloved, beleeve not every spirit, but trie the spirits whether they be of God: For manie false prophets are gone out into the world’), attacking the ‘false prophets’ of separatists and schismatics, and defending the episcopal order of government as divinely ordained.[xix] On the 13th, the queen issued a proclamation denouncing the Puritan writings condemning them as ‘in railing sort and beyond the bounds of all good humanity’, and threatening to introduce a monstrous and dangerous innovation, ‘to dissolve the estate of the prelacy, being one of the three ancient estates of this realm’.[xx] By the end of March, Bancroft’s sermon was in print,[xxi] and as the year progressed, there followed a steady stream of anti-Martinist tracts, ballads and broadsides, among them pieces penned by John Lyly and Thomas Nashe.

Early in An aduertisemente, Bacon claims, with some self-righteousness, that “The controversies themselues I will not enter into, as iudginge that the disease requireth rather rest then any other cure” (5r). While historians have generally taken Bacon at his word, and characterized his work as neutral, in reality Bacon makes intertextual references to key texts throughout his discourse. He speaks admiringly of “the wisdome and religion of that Bishopp, which replied to the first Pamphlett of this kind, whoe remembred that a foole was to be answeared, but not by becomming like vnto him, and considered the matter which hee handled and not the person with whome hee dealt” (6v). As is pointed out by marginal note in a manuscript copy now in the Jones collection at Oxford’s Bodleian Library, this must allude to “T:C: supposed verely to be the bishop of Winchester in his answer to Martines first booke”:[xxii] that is, Thomas Cooper, bishop of Winchester, who published An admonition to the people of England in January 1589. While Bacon praises Cooper for the tone of his Admonition, he conversely attacks “some indiscreete persons [who] have been bould in open preachinge to vse dishonorable and derogatory speech and censure of the Churches abroad” (11v-12r). Once again, the annotating early reader provides a possible identification for Bacon’s attack: “I thinke he meaneth doctor Bancrafte in his sermon preached at the C[r]osse & afterwards printed,”[xxiii] of course a reference to Richard Bancroft’s 9 February sermon at Paul’s Cross.

Openly supportive of Cooper’s Admonition, Bacon replicates several four scriptural allusions used by Cooper.[xxiv] But equally he reworks citations used by publications that he condemns. Bacon thus engages with John Udall’s The state of the Church of Englande, a pro-Marprelate tract probably printed late in 1588.[xxv] He charges that “The Church never wanteth a kind of persons which loue the salutacion of Rabbi, Master, not in ceremony or complement but in an inward authority which they seeke over mens mindes, in drawinge them to depend vpon their opinions and to seeke knowledge at their lipps. Thes men are the true successors of Diotrephes, the lover of preheminence, and not Lord Bishops” (9r). The invocation to Diotrephes—a reference to 3 John 9: “I wrote vnto the Churche: but Diotrephes which loueth to haue the preeminence among them, receaueth vs not”—would in 1589 lead readers to Udall’s pamphlet, in which the “state of the Church of Englande” was “laide open in a conference betweene Diotrephes a bishop, Tertullus a papist, Demetrius an vsurer, Pandocheus an in-keeper, and Paule a preacher of the word of God.”[xxvi] Further, on four occasions, Bacon introduces allusions used in Bancroft’s Sermon, and on one occasion quite explicitly challenges a charge made by Bancroft: “They haue sorted and coupled them [the English Puritans] with the family of love whose heresies they haue labored to destray and confute” (13r). The Family of Love, a sect founded c. 1540 in Emden by Hendrik Niclaes based on a mystical reading of Paul, had been banned in England by royal proclamation in 1580. Although later anti-Marprelate writers also made the slanderous connection between the Marprelate writers and the Family of Love,[xxvii] it was Bancroft’s Sermon which first hinted at a parity between them: “many false prophets now remaine amongst us: Arrians, Donatists, Papists, Libertines, Anabaptists, the Familie of love, and sundrie other.”[xxviii]

From these references we can also infer a date of composition for Bacon’s discourse. If An aduertisement is attacking Bancroft’s position, then it must postdate the Paul’s Cross sermon of 8 February 1589; Bacon’s engagement with specific allusions in Bancroft’s piece makes it more likely was working with a printed copy (available before 25 March 1589). The first possible reference to An aduertisement comes in The first parte of Pasquils apologie, dated 2 July 1590,[xxix] providing us with a terminus ad quem. It would seem likely, then, that An aduertisement was written between April 1589 and June 1590. However, gravitating towards an earlier date is the presence of a copy of the tract among the papers of the politician (and founder of Emmanuel College, Cambridge) Sir Walter Mildmay in the archives of the earls Fitzwilliam of Milton, Northamptonshire, now at the Northamptonshire Record Office.[xxx] Mildmay’s possession of this manuscript is significant since he died on 31 May 1589.[xxxi] Bacon knew Mildmay, and indeed, had worked with him closely during the parliament of February-March 1589: Mildmay introduced the subsidy bill, and Bacon was charged with writing the preamble for the act (although ultimately Burghley seems to have written it himself).[xxxii] It would have been entirely natural for Bacon to choose Mildmay as one of the earliest readers of his Aduertisemente. This consideration might lead us posit that Bacon wrote the tract in April 1589, after he had finished work for the parliament on 29 March, and circulated it by May. This does mean, of course, that Bacon “would have been answering [Bancroft] almost immediately,” as Brian Vickers has objected.[xxxiii] I would argue that this would not in itself be surprising. Perhaps more than any previous debate, the Marprelate affair relied on swift, topical response and counter-response, producing a new type of media controversy that was dependent on short tracts printed outside the usual channels, and (in Bacon’s case) manuscript writings disseminated to targeted audiences.

The case for an earlier date is strengthened by two sentences in An aduertisement: “I hope assuredly that my Lords of the Clergie have none intelligence with this other libeller, but doe altogeather disallowe that theire Creditt should bee thus defended. For though I observe in him many gloses whereby the man would insinuate himselfe into their favours ….”. In later copies of the tract, “this other libeller” becomes “interlibellinge,” and “in him many glosses” becomes “in one of them many glosses.” This suggests that An aduertisemente was first written when there was only one “other [anti-Marprelate] libeller”; in later versions this singular intervention was revised to become plural.[xxxiv]

* * *

When he printed An aduertisemente in 1861, Bacon editor James Spedding admitted that “What use Bacon made of this paper at the time, to whom he sent copies, or whether he put his name to it, I have not been able to discover,” but he could “hardly doubt that he showed it to [Lord Treasurer] Burghley and [Secretary of State] Walsingham, who would naturally concur in his views and wish to spread them.”[xxxv] Julian Martin suggests that “the careful structure and polished style’ of the tract suggest that ‘Bacon intended to circulate it.” [xxxvi] Work on the present edition can fill in some of these blanks. The range of surviving manuscript witnesses confirms that the tract had considerable circulation, always anonymously: indeed, it could be said to have been “published” in manuscript form. We now know it to have been read by, among others, Sir Walter Mildmay; an inhabitant of late Elizabethan Oxford; Richard Bancroft; the separatist Henry Barrow; and the author of an anti-Marprelate tract, possibly Thomas Nashe.

In 1591, the anonymous A petition directed to her most excellent Maiestie, believed to be the work of the imprisoned separatist Henry Barrow,[xxxvii] referred to An aduertisemente as the last of six examples of how even “The Defenders of the state of Bishops expect further Reformation:” [xxxviii]

6 A learned man and friend of the Bishopsg noteth as abuses, Their vrging of Subscription, Their oth ex officio, Their excommunication for trifles, and easie silencing of ministers.

The marginal note ‘g’ directs the reader to “Aduer. to the church of England, not printed.”[xxxix] Later, in summarizing his argument, Barrow evinces a detailed knowledge of An aduertisemente:

To be short, I haue shewed that my Lord of Canterburie, and the other Bishops That Doctor Cosins and the aduertiser, doe in writing reproue many things countenanced by law, as excommunication by lay Chauncellours, Nonresidence, Ignoraunt ministers, the milde punishment of Adultery, Subscription, and such like, and yet these men be not deemed, indited, conuict or attaint as diffamers of her maiesty, and felons by this statute. Such be our times, that Iisdem de causis alij plectantur, alij ne appellentur quidem.[xl]

Another clear reference occurs in A svrvay of the pretended holy discipline, a work by Richard Bancroft, published anonymously by John Wolfe in 1593.[xli] By now one of Archbishop of Canterbury John Whitgift’s household chaplains at Lambeth, Bancroft used the Svrvay to expand on his 1589 sermon and provided a historical narrative for the rise of puritanism in England, a case for episcopacy based in scripture and historical precedent, advancing the bishops “well beyond the status of ecclesiastical civil servants that had been Burghley’s and the earl of Leicester’s preferred model for the early Elizabethan episcopate.”[xlii] In the letter “To the Reader,” the writer opens:

There are many in England I perceiue, that are so addicted vnto their own opinions, as concerning the pretended holy Discipline, and such a reformation, as they themselues haue deuised: that they cannot with anie patience endure, to heare either contradiction or argument to the contrarie. I knowe some of them (saith a certaine aduertiser touching the controuersies of the Church of England) that would thinke it a tempting of God, to heare or read what might bee saide against them: as if they could be at quod bonum est tenete, without an omnia probate, going before. Which maner of persons, the Prophet Dauid resembleth vnto the deafe Adder, that stoppeth his eare, and will not heare the voyce of the inchaunter, though he be expert in charming. S. Augustine writing vpon these wordes, saith: that the serpent delighting in the darknesse, wherewithall hee hath inclosed himselfe, clappeth one of his eares very hard to the ground, and with his taile stoppeth the other: least hearing the Marso, he should be brought forth to the light. And so do a great number of these Serpentine persons, whereof the aduertiser made mention: [xliii]

Notably, in common with Barrow, Bancroft dubs the writer of this tract the “aduertiser,” “a certaine aduertiser touching the controuersies of the Church of England:” Bacon’s identity may not be known, but he, like Martin, now has a persona as an author: the Advertiser.

But the most intriguing reference to An aduertisemente comes in The First parte of Pasquils apologie,[xliv] often attributed to Thomas Nashe,[xlv] dated 2 July 1590.[xlvi] After nearly a year’s absence from the debate, “Pasquil,” author of The countercuff of Martin Junior and The return of Pasquil, returns to the fray, on the side of the archbishop of Canterbury, “to cast out the foule spirit of the Faction, with Dauids Harpe.”[xlvii] He notes that, since the archbishop “strooke off the head of the serpent long agone,” “it is nothing but the tayle that mooueth now.” Nevertheless,

Some small rubs haue been cast in my way to hinder my comming forth, but they shall not profit. It is reported, that a student at the Lawe, hath vndertaken to be a stickler betweene vs all, his booke is not in print, and I came a day short of the sight of the coppie of it. For any thing I heare, he quencheth the strife with a pinte of water and a pottle of fire. I little thought his leysure would haue suffered him, to haue any more then a common kinde of knowledge, in matters so farre remoued from the course of his studie, place, and calling.[xlviii]

Pointing out that the Church has men trained in scripture, Pasquil asserts that “if I doubt of any matter there, I may not knocke for it at the Chamber-dore of a common Counseller, but haue recourse vnto them, whom God himselfe appointed to teach Iacob before any Inne of courte was reard.”[xlix] The reference to a “student at the Lawe” at an “Inne of courte”—Bacon was by this time a Reader at Gray’s Inn–the fact that the “booke” is “not in print” and the description of the book’s self-positioning as a “stickler” (moderator) all point to An aduertisemente, and to “Pasquil”’s knowledge that its author was a “student at the Lawe” at an “Inne of courte,” even if his identity were not fully known.

It is quite remarkable that no fewer than three printed texts bother to cite and quote a discourse that circulated in manuscript. Furthermore, what is particularly suggestive about Nashe’s remarks is his admission that he has not actually seen the manuscript. He “came a day short of the sight of the coppie of it:” his intelligence on the matter is “any thing I heare.” This suggests an economy in which the manuscript Aduertisemente is a hot property, a prized commodity—and presumably not one that circulates easily in Nashe’s circles. This might lead us to ask further questions of Bacon’s tract: how was it “published”? While we know of 26 extant copies of Cooper’s Admonition and 28 extant copies of Bancroft’s Sermon in their 1589 editions,[l] a remarkable seventeen manuscript witnesses of Bacon’s Aduertisemente survive. Ten of these are “separates,” that is, copies that circulated individually (rather than being, say, copies transcribed into personal miscellanies). Was Bacon’s decision not to enter into print with this piece a deliberate attempt to control the composition and nature of his readership?

There are still many questions to be answered about An aduertisemente. But I would suggest that our (natural) focus on the printed books can perhaps lead us to misrepresent the Marprelate controversy. Bacon’s intervention indicates that we might more fruitfully consider the phenomenon not only in terms of print, but as a controversy working across a multitude of media: proclamations, sermons, parliamentary speeches, printed books (both official and unoffficial), and circulated manuscript tracts. While the Marprelate debate has become a set piece in discussions of early modern English print culture, it may yet have much more to say beyond those debates.

[i] I quote from the text I have edited for the forthcoming volume 1 of the Oxford Francis Bacon: Bacon’s Early Writings 1584-1586 (Oxford University Press). The copy-text is British Library, Harley MS 1893, fos. 5r-17r: folio references are to this manuscript.

[ii] The Marprelate story is well known, and needs no further elaboration to members of this seminar. See now Joseph L. Black ed., The Martin Marprelate tracts: a modernized and annotated edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. For earlier studies, see Edward Arber, An introductory sketch to the Martin Marprelate controversy, 1588-1590 (London: Archibald Constable, 1895); William Pierce, An historical introduction to the Marprelate tracts (London: Archibald Constable, 1908); William Pierce ed., The Marprelate tracts, 1588, 1589 (London: James Clarke, 1911); Ronald McKerrow, “The Marprelate controversy,” in The works of Thomas Nashe, 5 vols (London: A.H. Bullen, 1904-1910), V, pp. 34-65; J. Dover Wilson, ‘The Marprelate controversy’ in Cambridge history of English literature ed. A.W. Ward and A.R. Waller, 14 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1907-1916), III, pp. 425-52; Leland H. Carlson, Martin Marprelate, gentleman: Master Job Throckmorton laid open in his colors (San Marino CA: Huntington Library, 1981); Raymond A. Anselment, ‘Betwixt jest and earnest’: Marprelate, Milton, Marvell, Swift & the decorum of religious ridicule (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979), pp. 33-60; Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan puritan movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), esp. pp. 391-404; Joseph Black, ‘Pamphlet wars: the Marprelate tracts and “Martinism”, 1588-1688’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1996); Cyndia Susan Clegg, Press censorship in Elizabethan England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 170-97.

[iii] A wise and moderate discourse concerning church-affaires (London: printer unknown, 1641) (Wing B343).

[iv] In Francis Bacon, Resuscitatio or, bringing into publick light severall pieces, of the works, ed. William Rawley (London: Sarah Griffin for William Lee, 1657) (Wing B319), Y1v– 2A2r (pp. 162-79).

[v] The Works of Thomas Nashe ed. by Ronald B. McKerrow, reprinted from the original edition with corrections and supplementary notes, ed. by F. P. Wilson, 5 vols. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1966), V, p. 40.

[vi] Joseph Black, ‘The rhetoric of reaction: the Martin Marprelate tracts (1588-1589), anti-Martinism, and the uses of print in early modern England’, Sixteenth Century Journal 28 (1997), pp. 707-26 at p. 722.

[vii] Julian Martin, Francis Bacon, the state, and the reform of natural philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 38.

[viii] Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, ed. James Spedding, 7 vols (London, 1861-1874), I, p. 73.

[ix] Martin, Francis Bacon. 38.

[x] Brian Vickers ed., Francis Bacon: a critical edition of the major works (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 497.

[xi] Black, Martin Marprelate tracts, p. lxxii.

[xii] Black, Martin Marprelate tracts, pp. 3-45.

[xiii] Black, Martin Marprelate tracts, pp. 49-86.

[xiv] The Admonition was entered into the Stationers’ Register ‘vnder the Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURIES hand’ on 10 January 1588/9. Arber, II, p. 513.

[xv] See for example, BL copy C.37.d.38.

[xvi] Black, Martin Marprelate tracts, pp. 89-94.

[xvii] Hay any worke for Cooper; Black, Martin Marprelate tracts, pp. 97-139.

[xviii] J.E. Neale, Elizabeth I and her parliaments 1584-1601 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1957), pp. 194-9.

[xix] Millar MacClure, rev. Jackson Campbell Boswell and Peter Pauls, Register of sermons preached at Paul’s Cross 1534-1642, Dovehouse Editions: Ottawa, 1989, p. 67; Richard Bancroft, A sermon preached at Paules Crosse the 9. of Februarie, being the first Sunday in the parleament, anno 1588, E. B[ollifant]: London, 1588 [i.e. 1589], STC 1346.

[xx] Proclamation, 13 February 1589.

[xxi] The printed version was entered in the Stationers’ Register on 3 March 1589 (Arber, II, p. 517) and presumably printed before 25 March, since it bears the date 1588. See also Babbage, Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, pp. 27-8.

[xxii] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Jones 27.

[xxiii] Bodleian MS Jones 27.

[xxiv] ‘I can condemne none, I am noe Iudge of them that belonge to soe high a Master neither haue I twoe witnesses’, echoes Cooper, Admonition, C2v (p. 12) quoting I Tim. 5:19: ‘What meant Saint Paul, when he saide, Against an elder, receive no accusation vnder two or three witnesses? ‘The holy Angell would give noe sentence of Blasphemy against the common Slaunderer but said Increpet te Dominus; the Lord rebuke thee’ echoes ‘But Martin remember that saying, Vae homini per quem scandalum venit, and that Iude saith, that Michael when he disputed with the Deuill about the body of Moses, the Angel gaue no rayling sentence against him, but said, the Lord rebuke thee, Satan’ (I1r, p. 57). Onely Cham purchased his curse by revealinge his fathers disgrace’ (Genesis 9.25) is used by Cooper in Admonition, D1r (p. 17).

[xxv] John Udall, The state of the Church of Englande (London: R. Waldegrave, 1588) (STC 24505).

[xxvi] Udall, State of the Church, titlepage.

[xxvii] Other anti-Marprelate polemicists alleged an explicit connection. ‘Caualiero Pasquill of England’ claimed: ‘I haue there sette down all the vpstart Religions in this Land. The Anabaptists, the Family of Loue; the seuen capital haeresies for which som haue beene executed of late yeeres in Suffolke; the diuersities of Puritans and Martinists, with a number more which you shall heare of when that Booke is Printed’; ‘since God led his Church in this Land out of the bondage of Rome… there neuer yet wanted Papist, Atheist, Brownist, Barowist, Martinist, Anabaptist, nor Familie of Loue to bid them battaile’. The returne of the renowned caualiero Pasquill of England ([London: John Charlewood]: 1589) (STC 19457), A3v, C4v. Similarly, T.T. in his Myrror for Martinists, and all other schismatiques (London: J. Wolfe, 1590) (STC 23628), writes of men ‘such as are in the Papists, Heretiques, Brownists, the familie of Loue, Martinistes, and all Schismatiques, which neuer cease peruerting the truth?’(A2v); men ‘gathering themselues together into corners and in secret conuenticles, as the Family of Loue, the Brownists, the Martinists, and others like vnto them’ (D4r).

[xxviii] Bancroft, Sermon, B2r.

[xxix] The first parte of Pasquils apologie ([London: John Charlewood, 1590]), STC 19450. The tract ends, ‘From my Castell and Collours at London stone the 2. of Iuly. Anno. 1590.’ First parte of Pasquils apologie, E1v. There is no entry in the Stationers’ Register.

[xxx] While Mildmay’s books were bequeathed to his son Humphrey (c. 1552-1613), other papers went with his secretary Sir William Fitzwilliam (d 1618), in whose family collection they remained. L.L. Ford, ‘Mildmay, Sir Walter (1520/21-1589)’, ODNB.

[xxxi] This was first suggested by Patrick Collinson: “Hooker and the Elizabethan Establishment,” in Richard Hooker and the Construction of Christian Community ed. Arthur Stephen McGrade (Tempe, AZ: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1997), pp. 149-89, at p. 172 n.55.

[xxxii] Neale, Elizabeth I and her parliaments 1584-1601, pp. 204-05.

[xxxiii] Vickers objects to Spedding’s suggested dating of ‘the Summer of 1589’ on these grounds. Vickers, Francis Bacon, p. 497.

[xxxiv] The contemporary annotator proposes that the unnamed pamphlet is ‘Papp with a hatchet or some suche Lyke’, but Pappe with an hatchet dates probably from September 1589, and was by no means the first of its ilk. Joseph Black places as the first anti-Marprelate tracts the verse pamphlets Mar-Martine and A whip for an ape: or Martin displaied, from ‘early summer 1589’, but these do not feature anything that might be construed as the kind of ‘gloses’ Bacon mentions. Martin Dzelzainis and Annabel Patterson forward the anonymous Latin tract Antimartinvs, which was entered into the Stationers’ Register on 3 July 1589; this ‘was not only licensed, but beautifully printed by George Bishop and Ralph Newbery. It defended the bishops and claimed to be working in the interest of the universities, the State, and the Church’ (Marvell, Prose works, I, p. 433 n. 1136). However, it may be that Bacon refers to an earlier, lost publication.

[xxxv] Letters and Life of Bacon, I, pp. 73, 95.

[xxxvi] Martin, Francis Bacon, pp. 38-9.

[xxxvii] [Henry Barrow] A petition directed to her most excellent maiestie … (Middelburg: [R. Schilders? 1591]), STC 1521.

[xxxviii] [Barrow], Petition, A3r.

[xxxix] [Barrow], Petition, A3v.

[xl] [Barrow], Petition, E3v.

[xli] [Richard Bancroft], A svrvay of the pretended holy discipline (London: John Wolfe, 1593), STC 1352.

[xlii]Nicholas W.S. Cranfield, ‘Bancroft, Richard (bap. 1544, d. 1610)’, ODNB; see also Babbage, Puritanism and Richard Bancroft, pp. 34-6.

[xliii] [Bancroft], Svrvay, *2r. Bancroft’s quotation here is in line with six witnesses of An aduertisemente: B2, B3, C, D, Ha1, U.

[xliv] The first parte of Pasquils apologie ([London: John Charlewood, 1590]), STC 19450.

[xlv] McKerrow concludes that ‘we are not justified in concluding Nashe to be the author of the “Pasquil” tracts’. Works of Thomas Nashe ed. McKerrow, V, pp. 55-8 at p. 58.

[xlvi] The tract ends, ‘From my Castell and Collours at London stone the 2. of Iuly. Anno. 1590.’ First parte of Pasquils apologie, E1v. There is no entry in the Stationers’ Register.

[xlvii] First parte of Pasquils apologie, A3v.

[xlviii] First parte of Pasquils apologie, A4r.

[xlix] First parte of Pasquils apologie, A4r.

[l] See ESTC citation nos S105063, S111158, S100663 and S108234.


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